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Abstract
South Asia
is home to around a fifth of world population. Most of the South Asian countries
were under direct or
indirect European Colonial subjugation in the past and hence due to their
experiences of Colonialism and exploitation they have not been able to keep up
with the development of Capitalism in the world. Presently poverty, illiteracy,
backwardness and a large population characterizes this region to a large extend.
In this region, the family is very important and traditional values and cultures
have a strong hold over the people. Patriarchal families which were earlier
Joint families and have now become nuclear and extended family arrangements are
very significant and gender issues play a very major role in the family
structures. South Asia has a family oriented culture where interdependence is
valued more than independence. In this era of modernization and globalization,
the family in these regions is facing a lot of challenges. While on the one hand
families have found a way to stay close and resilient during these times of
rapid socio- economic and political changes, yet they are also encountering new
and disturbing problems that are putting them at risk. Globalization has seen
the withdrawal of the State from welfare measures and the large scale migration
from rural to urban areas and this affects the women much more than the men.
There has been a threat to the very structure and well being of the family
resulting in a struggle to balance traditional family structures and practices
with the changing values, attitudes and life styles. The present paper looks at
the families in this region, with a focus on India and examines the strengths
and vulnerabilities and the challenges that the family faces in the new
millennium. Within the Indian context, this paper highlights four major issues,
namely, declining sex ratio, early marriages, increasing violence against women
and existence of child labor in many families. The paper concludes by stating
that in this new millennium there is a need to look into gender issues to
strengthen the family structures. The family should be a safe haven to develop
the potentials, capabilities and competencies of its members especially women,
to face the challenges of the future. In this globalised world a new approach is
needed, one that supports the family as an institution based on equality love
and respect rather than on power and privilege for men and boys and weakness and
subservience prescribed for women and girls.
Gender issues in South Asia with special reference to Indian Families-
Challenges in the New Millennium
South Asia is home to around a fifth of world population. It consists of India,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and the British Indian
Ocean territories.
From the civilizations of 5,000 years ago to the present day, South Asia has
hosted countless numbers of cultures, creating a land with diverse beliefs where
modern concerns mesh with traditional values.
The region has often seen conflicts and political instability, including wars
between the region's two nuclear states India and Pakistan. Most of the South
Asian Countries were
under direct or indirect European Colonial subjugation at some time or the other
and hence due to their experiences of Colonialism and exploitation they have not
been able to keep up with the development of Capitalism in the world. Most of
the region gained independence from Europe by the late 1940s. Though today this
region is characterized by high economic growth for the past 10-15 years yet
poverty is also a reality along with illiteracy, backwardness and a large
population. In the absence of a State support structure, the family plays a
major role in this culture.
In spite of globalization and
modernization, what characterizes South Asian region is the hold of traditional
values and culture over the people and families. The families which were earlier
Joint families have now become nuclear and extended families and are patriarchal
but continue to play a very significant role in the life of individuals. Family
members vary in terms of how much power they have in family relationships
depending on their gender, role, and status. All of South Asia has a family
oriented culture where interdependence is valued more than independence.
Personal goals and wishes are expected to be subordinated to those of the
family. Elders and males serve as guides for family decision-making and
appropriate cultural and individual behavior. Since State does not own any major
social responsibility primarily of health care and Old age it is the family
which takes care of the individuals in times of crisis. This region also has the
largest number of people living below the poverty line. Among developing
regions South Asia has almost twice as much distance to cover as East Asia and
more than three times as much as Latin America and the Caribbean. (UNDP 1998).
Forty-five percent of its poor will live in urban areas by the end of this
decade while 50 percent of the region's poor population is infants, children,
and adolescents. Overall, 60 per cent of women of childbearing age in South Asia
-- where half of all children are underweight -- are themselves underweight
(
UNICEF 1998). Globalization is now changing the family structure and we have a
broad division between the haves and the have nots giving rise to two different
kinds of families. The present paper looks at the families in this region, with
a focus on India and examines the strengths and vulnerabilities and the
challenges that the family faces in the new millennium. Within the Indian
context, this paper highlights four major issues, namely, declining sex ratio,
early marriages, gender violence and existence of child labor in many families.
The declining
sex ratio:
All South Asian cultures are patriarchal. There
is a lot of value placed on the birth of a son and one of the major problems
facing the family today is the declining sex ratio. In the Indian family culture
which idolizes sons and dreads the birth of a daughter, to be born female comes
perilously close to being born less than human. For a girl discrimination begins
even before birth. Our statistics clearly point out to some facts that abortion
of female fetuses is on the rise, the ratio of female to male is declining,
there is reluctance to seek medical aid for ailing daughters, girls are breast
fed for a shorter duration than boys and girls are easily with drawn from school
to look after their young siblings. Regardless of the economic background the
status of the female child has never been the same as that of the male at any
level.
Gender roles are conceived, taught and enacted
in a complex set of relationships with in the family and society at large.
Needless to say the Media reinforces the same stereotyped gender roles. The girl
child grows up with a low self esteem. She grows up with a notion of temporary
membership in her natal home to be disposed off with assets and dowry. A
tradition saying sums it up thus, a daughter is like ghee( clarified
butter)- both are good up to a point. If you do not dispose them off they start
stinking” Her productive role is to continue the household drudgery added to
which is her reproductive role.
Even as a reproductive machine, a woman’s life
is worth only if she produces a son. Tradition and scriptures reinforce societal
biases against the girl thus, “the birth of a girl grant it elsewhere, here
grant us a son”. Sophisticated medical technology now strengthens societal
biases against girls in the form of prenatal sex determination tests which have
resulted in female feticides. Education, global exposure and affluence, all of
which translates into easier access to expensive technology have made it easier
to select the sex of the child ( Pande, Rekha, 2004, ). If there is a choice it
is always for the male child. Despite a stringent law, doctors and patients
manage to evade it. Hence there has been a decline in female ratio. ( Table 1).
A Report by India’s Registrar General and
Census Commissioner, the Ministry of Health and family welfare and the United
Nations Population Fund, based on the 2001 census, points out that in the 0-6
age group, the most prosperous states of India like Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and
Gujarat have the lowest sex ratio ie. number of girls per 1000 boys. The most
affluent pockets in some cities show the sharpest drop. South west Delhi for
instance where some of the richest and most educated Indians reside has a sex
ratio of only 845 against 904 in 1991. The situation is no better in other major
cities which show a downwards trend. ( Table 2).Well-off states like
Maharashtra, Gujarat, Punjab and Haryana recorded more than a 50 point decline
in the Child sex ratio since 1991. In Haryana almost all the Districts recorded
a Child sex ratio of 850 and today there are many villages in Punjab and Haryana
where there are no girl children.
The
Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques ( Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Amendment
Act was framed in 1994. Renamed the Pre- Conception and Pre- Natal Diagnostic
Technique( Prohibition of sex selection) Act, it came into force in 2003. The
Act prohibits sex selection before or after conception. It regulates, but does
not ban the use of pre-natal diagnostic techniques like ultra sound for
detecting genetic abnormalities or other disorders. Any nursing home, registered
medical practitioner or hospital that does the ultra sound test is required to
state that it does not do sex determination. The State Medical Council can
cancel a registration to a doctor guilty of violating the law. Under the Act any
person who seeks sex selection can face a three year imprisonment ( on first
conviction) and fined Rs. 50, 000.
The
implementation of laws is just one facet of the war against female feticide.
However in India there is a big gap between the law on paper and its
implementation and of every law there are hundreds of ways in which it is
bypassed. All across India the birth of a son is announced triumphantly with the
beat of a brass thali ( plate) and the distribution of sweets and money
while that of a girl is met with silence and dejection, if not condolence. In
North India dowries are much bigger and dowry deaths more common. In many states
marrying a daughter can reduce the parents to penury. (Pande, 2001)
Status of the Girl Child:
In
the South Asian context, the girl child’s status in the family cannot be looked
in isolation. Her status is a product of the general societal attitudes towards
women at large. Women face higher risks of malnutrition, disease, disability,
retardation of growth and development. They have no access of control over
resources. Their work is invisible and hence undervalued. All there disabilities
are powerfully reinforced through our culture, media, and education and
socialization process. A look at some of the proverbs and saying in local
languages throughout India sums up these attitudes. A popular Telugu saying from
Andhra is, “Bringing up a daughter is like watering a plant in another’s
courtyard”. Other states, “If you tell lies you will get a female child”, “ It
is better to be born as a tree in a jungle than to be born a girl”. As a result
of the cultural milieu the women’s and the girl child’s self image as well as
society’s image of her is negative. She has no value as an individual who
contributes to the nation’s development and her work is invisible and
unrecognized.
In
one of the study that we conducted on the Girl child and the family in India, we
found that, there are special celebrations for the birth of the girl in many of
the families. Given the parental expectation it was clear that the arrival of
the girl child was considered not a happy event even by most members especially
if it was the second girl child. Preference for a son is clearly related to
patriarchy, to lineage being continued by male progeny in addition to several
other well known factors. It was interesting to note that the unhappiness over
the birth of a daughter is a little higher in the case of the paternal
grandparents, compared to maternal grandparents. This could also be related to
the erroneously held belief that the sex of the child is determined by the
mother. The tendency to be disappointed and unhappy that the grandchild is a
girl is further compounded by the implied blame on the mother. ( Pande, 2004).
Early marriage:
In
many families the cycle of deprivation and disadvantage for the girl child is
further compounded by premature pregnancies and its attendant risks due to early
marriage. In
India nearly fifty percent of the girls are married before attaining the legal
age of eighteen years. In a United Nation’s list India stands fourth in this
regards with a tie up with Bangladesh. Unfortunately this has not attracted
enough attention of policy makers and this becomes a big impediment in the
creation of a gender just society where women are empowered. There is a close
relation between early age at marriage and the socio- economic
variables-religion, caste, consanguinity, marital distance, spousal age
difference, education and occupation of both bride and bridegroom and the socio-
economic status of the family. All efforts to curb this evil through legislation
has failed and marriage continues to be regarded as a private affair depending
on the decision of the family.
During the 19th centuries when the social reforms took place infant
marriage had become a norm and there was a lot of gap between the ages of the
husband and wife. Ramakrishna Paramhamsa married a girl of six, M.G.Ranade a
girl of eight, D.K. Karve a girl of nine( Kapadia, 1966, 146). By this time
marriages after puberty had become inconceivable and pre- puberty marriages had
degenerated into infant marriages. Religious, social and psychological attitudes
and tendencies conspired to make infant marriages for girls a rule and
obligation. A fall out of this was that due to the vast differences in the age
of the girls and boys many girls would become widows early on and they were
treated very harshly by the society.
In
societies where reproduction is primarily confined within marriage the changes
in marriage ages and the resultant reduction in proportion of women remaining in
married state are directly linked to fertility. Rising of female age at marriage
has therefore been recognized as one of the important policy interventions that
might be able to influence population growth. The Child Marriage Restraint Act,
1978 has laid down the minimum age at marriage for females in India as 18 years.
Despite apparently vigorous efforts, including legislation prohibiting child
marriages, the bulk of marriages in India continue to be performed at ages much
below this legally prescribed minimum in several states.
Traditionally social and cultural factors have tended to support early as well
as universal marriage for girls in India. The data on age at marriage is
derived from marriage registration records. But in India a large number of
marriages are not registered. In the absence of adequate data on this aspect one
has to look at the Census data. The data of National Family Health Survey (NFHS)
which was conducted in India during 1992-93 and covered 24 states is another
important source of information for the study of changes in nuptiality pattern
among states in India on a comparable basis. During the 1921-31 the average age
at marriage of females in India was too low at 12.5 years (Agarwala, 1962).
Data clearly points out to the fact that after the Child Marriage Restraint Act,
1928 although there had been a slow upward shift in female age at marriage, it
was not until after 1951 that the marriage age of female was reported to be
about 15.6 years for India during 1951 census. As per the census information
the two decades 1961-71 and 1971-81 recorded larger increases in female age at
marriage at the national level as compared to earlier decades.( Table 3) yet
much needs to be done.
In
urban families, increasing educational attainment has helped to transform the
entire value system governing marriage as well as to spread new ideas about
marriage and the family. Work participation outside agricultural domain has
substantially increased the individual's economic independence from parents,
thereby helping young couples to determine their marriage mate( Das, 1998). Laws
have not been enough to deal with the issue and early marriages continue. Till
early marriages take place we can never dream of a gender just society and an
empowered woman. Early marriage also leads to domestic violence as women have no
control over their lives. Today in India one of the important factors
responsible for the present high population growth is the persistence of
markedly low level of age at marriage. Age at marriage has become the focus of
attention of scholars and policy makers because early and universal marriage is
believed to contribute to high fertility levels. It is imperative to have
changes in the existing marital behavior, and encourage late marriages because
marriage spells a cessation of education for girls and premature assumption of
domestic and child care responsibilities and does not lead to empowerment of the
women in the family ( Pande, 2001).
Gender Violence:
In South Asia, in the absence of
State support structures, family is a group that one looks to for love,
gentleness and solidarity, yet it is one of the very few groups which uses
physical force leading to the increasing problem of violence in our society. It
is well known that as bonds of tradition weaken with modernization, gender
violence within families tends to increase. Domestic
violence is not unique to India, nor is it a recent phenomenon. But in India
what is unusual is the resistance to its elimination by society at large and
society’s lack of recognition of it as a serious issue. What is recent however
is the courage of women to face up to domestic violence—not just women in
organized groups but also female victims who are well aware of the adverse
consequences that “going public” will have on their lives. With the backdrop of
the patriarchal social structure, the tradition of familial piety and the
asymmetrical gender expectations in India, this defiant movement to expose
domestic violence has created the space for a national debate on the issue.
It
India, in the recent past, it has been primarily due to the efforts of the
Women’s movement that violence against women was recognized as an issue meriting
serious concern. Towards Equality, Report of 1974, this sharply
highlighted the abysmal low status of women in modern India, and focused
attention on the fact that despite many progressive social legislation’s and
constitutional guarantees, women’s status had not improved much (Towards
Equality Report, 1974). However, this report did not include violence as an
important issue in its discussion on the status of women. It was only in 1995,
the Indian Government had recognized violence against women as one of the eleven
critical areas of concern. (Country Report, 1995).
Gender violence is rooted in the
theory that the cause of domestic violence is one person’s arbitrary belief in
the right to exert power over another person, interpersonal interactions or
interpersonal relations and is situated in the socio-economic and political
content of power relations (Kelkar, 1991). In Indian families, most of the
working class women, even while facing violence, also face the trivializing of
this reality in their lives. Middle class women face another kind of censoring
of the violence that they face within homes. The public private divide which
operates very strongly in many middle class women’s lives do not allow them to
speak about the humiliation and violence they undergo. Both these, trivializing
as well as silencing are political acts which support a structure of oppression
of women( Pande, in Singh and Singh, 2008, p. 123) Girls who observe domestic
violence are more likely to tolerate abusive partners as adults, thus subjecting
another generation to the same sad dynamics. The wife’s tolerance is explained
in terms of traditional socialization or learned helplessness (Agnes, 1980,
Ahuja 1987 and Mahajan, 1988). Women tend to be the peacemakers on
relationships, the ones responsible for making the marriage work.
Traditionally violence against women was considered women’s issue to be
addressed through counseling,legal aid and organizing women’s shelters.
However, the issue came into sharp focus in the 1980’s with the widespread
coverage by the mass media of growing incidents of torture of brides, of dowry
deaths and of the localized populous protests against these heinous crimes.
(Kishwar, Madhu, 1984). The campaigns by women and the slogan that, “ A suicide
in the family is murder”, has brought about a change in the Indian Penal Code
through Section 498 A, and for the first time criminalized domestic violence and
created a much needed space for a distressed women facing violence in her
marital home. The agitation against liquor in Andhra Pradesh also brought in the
issue of violence in the public realm( Pande, 2002). There has now increasingly
been a feeling that definition of violence only as physical acts of aggression
are inadequate. The understanding of violence has to incorporate the
imperceptible psychological unseen day to day violence perpetrated within the
families through cultural, religious practices, inter personal,
interrelationships, language, gesture and socialization.
Despite the growing interest and recognition of the issue of domestic violence
there is a dearth of literature on domestic violence in India. We do not have
much data on domestic violence except few qualitative studies of a very small
sample. (Mahajan, 1990, Rao, 1997). Three studies from Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh
and Maharashtra and Karnataka have clearly shown that domestic violence is an
all-pervasive phenomenon in India. It showed that violence cuts across caste,
class, religion, age and education. Inspite of economic prosperity and high
literacy rate two out of every five wives experience physical abuse.(PROWID
Report, 1999).
The
liberalization of the economy in the wake of Globalization in many South Asian
countries, has vastly diminished traditional livelihood means for the poor. The
dominance of rich nations, multinational corporations and international capital
over markets, resources and labour in the developing countries through trade,
aid and technology transfer has greatly weakened the capacity of nation states
and governments to promote human development and offer protection to the poor
people.( Pande, 2001.a, 1). The conversion of large tracts of agricultural land
for commercial aqua production, the diminishing viability of traditional
livelihood skills, lack of education and skills for alternative means of income
all reduce such victims to a situation of no other option but to enter into the
sex trade. Poverty and deprivation, secondary status accorded to women in
society, prejudice against the girl child, weakening of the family structure,
changing public attitude towards sex and morality, the caste structure,
urbanization, migration and the growing consumerism are some of the factors that
have contributed to trafficking. Economic impoverishment provides the ideal
ground for exploitation. It is no surprise therefore that nearly 70% of victims
in India come from drought-prone areas (Report, 1997,The Velvet Blouse, NCW).
Majority of the children involved in trafficking are already HIV positive. It is
also true that the increasing numbers of children who are orphaned because of
AIDS are in fact being trafficked for sexual exploitation as they are without
any protection and support. This in turn accelerates the transmission of the HIV
virus and is an important contributing factor to the growing menace of AIDS in
India. In India Who estimated in 1995 that as many as 1.5 million people may be
infected with HIV virus, with the state of Maharashtra leading the nation in HIV
infections ( Reuters, 1995).
Child Labour:
The film Slum Dog millionaire has clearly shown that there are two worlds which
are existing side by side in India. The same hold true for the families. As the
gap between rich and poor becomes large, we have two categories of families and
children, one for whom there are all the advertisements for a good life, with
healthy drinks like Boost and Bourn vita and who live on Bisleri water and the
other who are the unprivileged poor who have to toil and work for a living and
do not have clean drinking water also. All this discussion is taking place at a
time when Children are employed all over the world more so in developing
countries. As many of these families are very poor every member of the family is
brought in to earn for the family. It is estimated that there are at least 44
million child labourers in the age group of 5-14 (Debi
S. Saini, 1994, 2).
Childhood has been regarded as a time to play, to learn and to grow. It is
believed that this is the best time to develop ones potential and enjoy the
bright plans for a future. A report of Committee on Child Labor by Government
of India, 1979 also observes that child labor is not a new phenomenon to our
age. It has existed in one form or another in all historical times.
Traditionally, help of child was taken by parents and other members of family in
their routine and family occupations. It also provides an opportunity for
learning a trade, which would be ultimately their source of Livelihood.
Whereas child labor becomes an important source of capital accumulation in
the process of economic development it is also an internal part of developing
countries associated with poverty and deprivation. In communities belonging
to the lower income groups in South Asia, it is difficult to run a family on
the income of the parents especially if the later are daily rated or piece
rated or casual or contractual laborers without any stable avenue of durable
employment. In such cases the income of the working child thought small in
itself assumes much more value.
Their low cost gives to the employers a potential competitive advantage,
both in the domestic and export market children face a permanent disadvantage
in the labor market. The drift to urban areas in the early stages of
industrialization is usually associated with high unemployment which
forces many families and their children to search out a living in marginal
and usual forms of employment.
The Convention of the Rights of Child is an important manifestation of the
recent interest in the phenomena of child labor and the discourse on the Child
rights.
The international conventions of the ILO have played an anchor role to deal with
the problem of children. The protection of the child against exploitation in
employment is one of the major concerns of international conventions. So ILO
has adopted 18 major conventions and recommendations regarding minimum age
for employment of children, medical examination of children and
prohibition of night work for children. The major objectives of this convention
are to provide certain norms and standards for the well being of the children.
Currently this
discourse is taking place in a particular international context of
globalization. This convention recognizes the right of every child to a standard
of living, adequate for the child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and
social development. It also recognizes the right of the child to education, and
with the view to achieve this right progressively and on the basis of equal
opportunities , it makes primary education compulsory, encourages different
forms of secondary education and makes higher education accessible to all. It
also recognizes the right of the child to be protected from economic
exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous and to
interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or
physical, mental spiritual, moral or social development (ILO).
While this whole discourse is presented as a universal discourse in reality it
projects only a very western notion of childhood and one that has arisen out of
the historical experience of the west. In fact the modern western conception of
childhood is barely three to four centuries old where childhood is seen as a
distinct and separate phase of life characterized by innocence and frailty,
where children were ejected from the real world of work, sexuality and politics
and confined to the classroom. Childhood is a very
modern western invention. (Aries, 1962) In the medieval world there was no place
for childhood. In the sixteenth and Seventeenth centuries the child or
infant of the upper strata dressed in special dress and thereby
distinguished from adults. By the eighteenth century everything to do with
children's health and education had become established as a concern worthy of
serious attention.
The experience of non western societies has been different. Here there is not
much difference between the Child’s world and the adult’s world especially in
poorer households. The child here is not viewed as different from the larger
context of the family. The present day discourse on Child rights has no space
for the experiences and reality of non western societies. (Raman, 1998, p.2)
More over there is an underlying paternalism since there is an assumption that
this dominant notion of child right is more civilized and must be accepted by
all. This discourse denies the autonomy to non western families to deal with
children given their own socio- historical and cultural context. Child hood is a
very privileged class. This concept is a very class based definition and it does
not exist in the cases of lower incomer groups. as our paper will show.
In India, many of the children
are employed in Carpet, Beedi, match, firework, glass and Bangles industries.
The other notorious occupations employing child labor are the precious stone
industry of Moradabad and the diamond polishing industry of Surat.
Besides the various types of industries mentioned above children also contribute
to a large proportion of urban domestic servants. Children also work as
vendors, shoe shine boys, and newspaper hawkers. They also contribute to the
labor force in other works like building construction, coolies, tea gardens,
transport, stone and quarry works. They are also engaged in agriculture and
livestock, fishing and in plantation where they help during sowing, weeding and
harvesting. The overwhelming majority of these children in fact work in the
unorganized sector rather than in the organized sector (Pande, 2000).
The plight of these children
staggers imagination. Small undernourished children work for long hours, seven
days a week for a pittance. They work where safety precaution are
negligible and where welfare provisions never exist. They work near
furnaces and perform dangerous jobs like operating various types for cutting and
piercing tools. They usually do not have any access to basic necessities like
toilet, medical and safe water. Devoid of a childhood child labor leads to
serious health hazards and denies them opportunity for physical and mental
development. (Pande, 1999).
The problem is more acute in
South Asia, given the changes that they have undergone due to industrialization
and urbanization. Rural areas constitute more of child labor activates than in
urban areas, hence magnitude of problem is more in rural areas than in urban
areas. The form of child labor in agricultural sector in rural areas includes
farm labor which constitutes seventy per cent of labor force. In urban areas
its form changes which includes activities in different sectors such as
match and fire industry of Savakasi in Tamilnadu, glass industry of Firozabad,
a town in Agra district (U.P), Aligarh’s lock industry, (U.P) , carpet
making industry in Jammu and Kashmir and U.P., beedi making industry in Madhya
Pradesh, pottery industry in Khurja (U.P), coir industry in Kerala, zari
industry in Banaras, brick kiln industry of West Bengal, slate industry in
Markapur (A.P) kiln industry of Dhone (A.P) which constitutes thirty per cent
of the urban labor force. As is true of the All India picture child labor in
Andhra Pradesh is mostly in rural areas Nearly 92% of the child
laborers are in rural areas. The reason for this is that most of the children
live in rural areas. In rural areas adult employment is affected by
Seasonal needs, and thoroughly out the year when the seasonal activity is low
men and women employ in other areas to substantiate the family income and
children also join in. Besides this, children also help in the performance of
a number of activities which are information nature and routinely performed and
hence go unrecorded and unnoticed. These range from harvesting minor crops,
animal grazing, collection of fuel and fodder, looking after the siblings
and household work, especially by girls. When compared to the males in many
regions of Andhra Pradesh it is girls who are in large numbers employed as
laborers.
The reasons for the increasing
number of Girl child labor are not for to seek. The girl child cannot be
isolated from the general societal attitudes towards women at large Thus
while more and more boys are being sent to school are being withdrawn and being
engaged in household chores looking after siblings and assisting the mothers in
supplementing the family income. Parents are afraid of sending the girls
far away from home to study or stay in a hostel and therefore mostly after
puberty or primary school girl’s drop out and help in household chores( Pande,
2003). The problem of
child-wage labor in the unorganized urban industrial sector and in the service
sector is also immense. Children work in the most adverse working conditions,
are subjected to physical and mental torture and are super-exploited. Children
working in family enterprise are also often very exploitative because the labor
is totally invisible and hidden in the guise of the needs of the family (Pande,
1999).
Hence, to conclude, the family in the new millennium is facing a number of
challenges in south Asia including India.
At the dawn of the new millennium, South Asia is a land of juxtapositions. While
some South Asians reside in villages, farming and raising families in the same
manner as their ancestors, others have moved to the cities. Wherever they live,
most maintain their cultural identities. However, today the gap between the
haves and the have not’s has only increased with Globalization creating two
distinct worlds and family structures. All South Asian cultures are patriarchal
and the major concerns today are a decline in the sex ration, early marriage,
increasing gender violence and child labor in many families. The family should
be a safe haven to develop the potentials, capabilities and competencies of its
members especially women, to face the challenges of the future. In this
globalised world a new approach is needed, one that supports the family as an
institution based on equality love and respect rather than on power and
privilege for men and boys and weakness and subservience prescribed for women
and girls.
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Agarwala, S. N., 1962, Age at
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Agnes, Flavia, 1980, Violence
in the Family: Wife beating., SNDT, Women’s Centre, Bombay
Ahuja, R, 1987, Crime against
Women , Rawat Publications, Jaipur.
Aries, Philip, 1962, Centuries of Childhood, Jonathan Cape.
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Table 1:
Male Female Sex ratio in India:
|
Year
|
Females per 1000 Males |
|
1901 |
972 |
|
1911 |
964 |
|
1921 |
955 |
|
1931 |
950 |
|
1941 |
945 |
|
1951 |
946 |
|
1961 |
941 |
|
1971 |
930 |
|
1981 |
933 |
|
1991 |
945 |
|
2001 |
927 |
Source:
Registrar General of India, Reported in Health Statistics of India ( 1985),
Central Bureau of Health Intelligence Directorate General of Health and family
welfare, Government of India and Census of India.
Table 2:
Sex Ratio ( No. of Girls per 1000 Boys) in some
Major cities of India
|
Major City |
1991 |
2001 |
|
Delhi |
904 |
850 |
|
Mumbai |
942 |
898 |
|
Pune |
943 |
906 |
|
Amritsar |
861 |
783 |
|
Patiala |
871 |
770 |
|
Ambala |
888 |
784 |
|
Gurgaon |
895 |
863 |
|
Faridabad |
884 |
856 |
|
Kurukshetra |
868 |
770 |
|
Ahmadabad |
896 |
814 |
|
Vadodara |
834 |
873 |
|
Rajkot |
914 |
844 |
|
Jaipur |
925 |
897 |
|
All India |
945 |
927 |
Souce: Census
of India, 2001
Table 1II: Singulate Mean
Age at Marriage of Females in India, 1961-1993
|
Census
Year |
Singulate Age at Marriage ( SMAM) |
|
Rural |
Urban |
Total |
|
1961 |
15.7 |
17.9 |
16.1 |
|
1971 |
16.7 |
19.2 |
17.2 |
|
1981 |
17.8 |
20.1 |
18.4 |
|
1991 |
18.7 |
20.7 |
19.3 |
|
|
|
|
|
Source: Computed from census data
for the period 1961-91. Office of the Registrar General Commissioner , India
(1995).
|