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Let me begin with some
stories drawn from my personal experience.
In Oak Harbor,
Washington, a blended family struggled with the mom’s thirteen-year old
son. The boy didn’t want to attend
church with his family. He was content
to go to church on Sunday morning, but the family attended also on Sunday night
and Wednesday night.
A government
social worker informed the boy that if he was having conflict with his family
that he could get legal protection from the state.
I defended the
parents and their wishes in court. But,
a Superior Court judge made the decision for this child. He decided that once a week was enough for
children to attend church and he ordered the boy to remain in foster care.
Another family
came to me with a similar experience.
They discovered that their middle school daughter was sleeping with her
boyfriend and smoking marijuana. They
grounded their daughter in an attempt to urge her toward more appropriate
behavior.
A social worker
told this girl about her rights also.
She told her that under Washington law, a child could request
intervention whenever there was conflict between parent and child.
Before they
came to me, their case went to court and up on appeal to the Washington State
Supreme Court. The courts found that
the parents had adopted reasonable rules of behavior and had enforced them in a
reasonable manner. Nonetheless, because
of the conflict between parent and child the state had the power, the court
ruled, to remove this child from the home and place her in foster care.
This family came to me on the last day to file a
petition in the Supreme Court of the United States. It was simply too late.
On October 27,
1994, someone made an anonymous call to social workers in Yolo County,
California—near Sacramento. This tipster
had heard a child’s voice yelling “no, no, no” from the back yard of Robert and
Shirley Calabretta. The tipster told
the social workers that another unnamed neighbor had heard a child’s voice yell
“no, daddy, no” from the Calabretta home in the middle of the night.
Four days later
a social worker knocked on the door of the Calabretta home. She demanded entry to investigate the family
and question the children. Shirley
Calabretta, who had appeared at the door with her children, refused. In her written report the social worker
noted that the children did not appear to be abused or neglected.
Twelve days
later, the social worker appeared again at the Calabretta home, this time with
a police officer. They forced their way
into the home. Backed by the presence
of the armed officer, the social worker took two girls, aged 12 and 3, into a
bedroom alone. The investigator
demanded answers to questions concerning the family’s discipline practices from
the 12-year old. The social worker was
clearly bothered by the fact that 12 year old defended the family’s practices
on the basis of the Bible.
When the 3 year
old volunteered that she was sometimes spanked with what turned out to be a
piece of Lincoln Log roofing, the social worker demanded that the little girl
be stripped by her older sister. The
12-year old refused and the younger girl began to scream hysterically.
Upon hearing
her little one scream, Shirley Calabretta entered the room despite prior
orders. In the face of the social
worker’s continued demand to disrobe the younger girl, Shirley took off the
little one’s clothes to reveal a perfectly clean and bruise-free bottom.
I represent the
Calabrettas in ongoing civil rights litigation arising out of this incident.
The one story
that I wish to tell you that does not come from my personal experience arose
from East Stroudsburg, PA. In a highly
publicized incident in March 1996, 59 sixth grade girls were forced by school
officials to undergo compelled gynecological exams. Screaming girls were not allowed to call their parents. They were forced by those who had been
entrusted with their academic education to disrobe and submit to an invasive
examination for genital warts and other diseases.
Even after a
public outcry began, school leaders persist in their position that the behavior
of the local officials was reasonable and appropriate.
The effect on
the girls was understandably traumatic.
One girl refused to change clothes or bathe for three weeks
afterwards. Another blamed her mother
for not being there to prevent it. One
asked her father “to kill someone” after she was forced to allow Dr. Ramlah
Vahanvaty to invasively examine an area that girls are taught to keep private.
These tales
from the front lines of parental rights battles in America illustrate the
contours of the lines that are being drawn.
Those who believe that “it takes a village to raise a child” are willing
to use coercion, threats, raw police power, and intimidation to enforce their
agenda. Parents who raise children in a
manner that the village doesn’t like have learned to fear the knock on the door
lest they hear the dreaded words, “I’m from the government and I’m here to help
raise your children.”
We need to
understand that one of the most important policy battles over parental rights
is being waged on the international stage.
In Geneva, Switzerland, the United Nations ten-member Committee on the
Rights of the Child sits in judgment over those nations who have signed and
ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Before this
Committee began issuing these nation-by-nation judgments, the policy debates on
Capitol Hill largely consisted of our reading the Convention and making
predictions of how it might be interpreted.
Supporters of this treaty would then deny or excuse our interpretations
as being outlandish mischaracteri-zations. Once we obtained the Committee of
10’s report and judgment concerning Great Britain, we realized two things:
first, our predictions had been much too mild; and second, that all we needed
to do was to put copies of the judgments of the Committee in front of members
of the Senate to defeat this treaty.
Consider these
examples of the judgments rendered by the UN Committee against nations that
have ratified this Convention:
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The United Kingdom violates article 12 since “the right
of the child to express his/or her opinion is not solicited” concerning
parental decisions to withdraw a child from a sex education in the public
school or to choose an alternative to the public schools. (This means that the Convention prevents
private schools and home schools unless the government solicits and weighs the
child’s opinion in the matter.)
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The U.K. violates articles 3, 19, and 37 by allowing
parents to exercise “reasonable [physical] chastisement.”
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Any nation which permits spanking or fails to
aggressively prosecute spanking is held to have violated the treaty including
Austria, Belize, Canada, Belgium, Yemen, Spain, and Poland.
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The U.K. violates articles 3, 37, 39, and 40 of the
Convention by placing juvenile criminals into institutions which appear, to the
UN, to have the goal of incarceration and punishment.
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Belize was criticized because its “law does not allow
children, particularly adolescents, to pursue, medical or legal counseling
without parental consent.”
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Canada, Belize and a number of other nations were
criticized for their failure to have a proper system for data collection
concerning children. Belize was
specifically criticized for failing to ensure that all children would be
registered with the national government.
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Norway was told to “reconsider its policy on religious
education for children in light of the general principle of non-discrimination
and the right to privacy.
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Pakistan was directed to expand its health care system
with greater emphasis on “family education, including family planning….”
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Austria was criticized for its balance of power between
local and national governments concerning issues regarding children. It was directed to increase the use of
national power to ensure compliance with the treaty.
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The U.K., Austria, Belize, Sweden, Indonesia, and
others were criticized for failing to spend enough tax dollars on social
welfare for children. Yes, Sweden.
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Government workers were ordered to receive better
training on the content and principles of the UN Convention in almost all
nations.
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Several nations were ordered to include instruction on
the principles of the Convention in their schools.
I could go
on. But I think I have made the
point. Anyone who believes in the
sovereignty of either their family or their nation should be deeply offended
and alarmed at the findings of this UN tribunal.
But, the
gravest danger in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is not any
specific provision or decision made in application. Rather, it is the general principle of law upon which all of
these decisions rest.
Article 3 of
the Convention says:
In all actions
concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare
institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies,
the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.
Any lawyer from
the United States who does any litigation involving children—such as divorce,
child custody, juvenile delinquency, or child abuse and neglect—is very familiar
with the use of the “best interests of the child” standard. Since the beginning of our Republic our law
has demanded the use of the best interests of the child as the standard in such
cases.
Why then would
I suggest that Article 3 of the Convention was actually the most dangerous
provision of all?
Listen again to
the kind of cases in which American courts employ the “best interests of the
child” standard. Divorce, child
custody, abuse and neglect, and juvenile delinquency. In all of these cases,
the family is broken.
Divorce and
child custody cases involve cases where mom and dad are tearing the family
apart and judges are called on to make decisions on how to dispose of the
issues involving the children.
The same thing
is true in all the other relevant categories.
Before the “best interests” standard becomes relevant, there must be a
prior factual determination that the family is broken. The family is broken when mom and dad
divorce, the family is broken when dad or mom are convicted of abusing their
children, the family authority is broken and the law must intervene when the
child has committed a crime and must be dealt with.
The “best
interests of the child” standard is a dispositional standard. It can only be invoked
after there has been a factual finding of a broken family which
entitles the government to assert its jurisdiction over the child.
The UN
Convention on the Rights of the Child allows the use of this standard in all
decisions concerning children. Thus, it
assumes that all families are presumptively broken and the government has the
right to decide for them in every case.
Remember the
Washington State case involving “too much church.” The critical failure of that court was its assertion of
jurisdiction over the child without any predicate finding that the family was
broken.
Make no mistake
about it. The goal of the UN Convention
on the Rights of the Child is to completely erase every important precept of
parental rights that is a part of the Anglo-American legal tradition.
Blackstone sets
out the historical legacy on this subject which are in turn rooted in the Word
of God.
The duties of
parents, Blackstone says, “principally consist in three particulars; their
maintenance, their protection, and their education.” The UN demands more government spending for the social welfare of
children. Blackstone says, “It is a
principle of law, that there is an obligation on every man to provide for those
descended from his loins.”
Concerning
education, it is not the duty of government to educate children, rather it is a
legal obligation imposed upon the parent.
Government has authority only when parents neglect their God-given
duty. The UN demands that parents seek
permission from the government to remove their children from mandatory school
programs. Blackstone would say of such
policies much the same thing as the United States Supreme Court in the case of
Meyer v. Nebraska in 1923.
In order to
submerge the individual and develop ideal citizens, Sparta assembled the males
at seven into barracks and entrusted their subsequent training and education to
official guardians. Although such
measures have been deliberately approved by men of great genius, their ideas
touching the relation between individual and state were wholly different from
those upon which our institutions rest; and it hardly will be affirmed that any
legislature could impose such restrictions on the people of a State without
doing violence to both the letter and spirit of the Constitution.
On the subject
of corporal punishment, contrary to the slanderous accusations of the village
people, the Anglo-American legal tradition has never allowed the wholesale,
unrestrained beating of children.
Blackstone contrasted the Roman view on the subject with that of Great
Britain. “The ancient Roman laws gave
the father the power of life and death over his children; upon the principle
that he who gave had also the power of taking away.” Compare this to the describe of British law. “The power of a parent by our English laws
is much more moderate; but still sufficient to keep the child in order and
obedience. He may lawfully correct his
child, being under age, in a reasonable manner, for this is for the benefit of
his education.”
The general
theory of reasonable corporal discipline has been that moderate spanking
instructs the child, whereas unrestrained beatings do not and only serve to
harm the child.
The UN
Convention on the Rights of the Child invades every sphere of family life:
religion, discipline, education, health care, and provision.
This convention
is of special concern to Americans.
Most nations which ratify this treaty create only moral obligations for
compliance. As a general rule treaties
which only create moral obligations are not enforceable as a binding law in the
courts of the nation which has so ratified.
The United
States has signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child under the
Clinton administration. Unsurprisingly,
Hillary Clinton made the announcement for the administration. However, it has never been submitted to the
Senate for ratification.
But if it were
submitted and if two-thirds of the Senate were to vote to ratify, this treaty
would become legally enforceable in the United States by virtue of the
Supremacy Clause of the Constitution which gives binding legal status to all
ratified treaties.
A county
prosecutor could use the treaty to go to a local court and prosecute a dad for
spanking his child.
A truant
officer could use the treaty to trump state law which expressly recognizes home
schooling. Federal treaties override
all state laws.
The slim
possibility that the courts would hold the treaties invalid as against federal
constitutional rights is not particularly comforting. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child creates political
problems for governments in nations that have ratified the treaty. In the U.S. it would create legal problems
for families.
This treaty
must be opposed not only on the premise that it imposes the most liberal,
socialistic, politically correct, anti-biblical philosophy of parenting, but
also on the premise that it strikes at the heart of the principle of
self-government. No group of ten
experts in Geneva should ever be given the authority to mandate—as a matter of
either legal or moral obligation—the laws, policies, and appropriations of any
nation.
The good news
is that even in the era of the Clinton administration, this treaty has
stalled. The U.S. Senate is seen as a
barrier to ratification, not because that body is filled with people who are
particularly enlightened on the subject.
Rather, the Senate has become a barrier because pro-family
conservatives, particularly home schoolers, have done their homework and have
made informed appeals to their elected representatives. For example, Senator Richard Lugar of
Indiana was the chief Republican cheerleader for the treaty until I spoke at
the Indiana home school convention to 4,000 people one Saturday. I asked them to call their Senator on the
issue. By the following Wednesday, I
had a letter in my hand from the Senator saying that he would no longer support
this UN treaty. Some become enlightened
by feeling the heat.
Another area of
good news for parental rights is a handful of recent court decisions that
embrace important parental rights concepts.
Earlier this
year, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled that school officials do
not have the right to enter the homes of home schooling families to conduct
compliance inspections. While I argued
both search and seizure law and parental rights, the court chose parental
rights as the theory it employed to strike down this invasive practice.
And on
August 26th of this year, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth
Circuit in San Francisco held that the Yolo County social workers and police
officers violated the clearly established rights of Robert and Shirley
Calabretta when they entered their home to conduct a child abuse investigation
without a warrant.
Listen to this
language:
There is not
much reason to be concerned with the privacy and dignity of the three-year-old
whose buttocks were exposed, because with children of that age ordinarily among
the parental tasks is teaching them when they are not supposed to expose their
buttocks. But there is a very substantial
interest, which forcing the mother to pull the child’s pants down invaded, in
the mother’s dignity and authority in relation to her own children in her own
home. The strip search as well as the
entry stripped the mother of this authority and dignity. The reasonable expectation of privacy of
individuals in their homes includes the interests of both parents and children
in not having government officials coerce entry in violation of the Fourth
Amendment and humiliate the parents in front of the children. An essential aspect of the privacy of the
home is the parent’s and the child’s interest in the privacy of their
relationship with each other.
The bad news
for parental rights court decisions comes primarily from the area of public
education. Public schools have been so
uniformly successful in beating back legal claims of parents who seek a
meaningful role in the decisions concerning their own children’s education that
two expert commentators presented a session at the Education Law Association’s
annual meeting entitled: The Parental
Right to Direct Their Child’s Education in a Public School Setting: As An
Evolving Matter It Is Almost Extinct.[1]
Parents have
lost cases which have sought to have their children opt out of curriculum,
which are contrary to the family’s faith.
For example, in Mozert v. Hawkins
County School District, the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that parents
did not have the right to have their children read an alternative book even
though the school district stipulated that the texts in question violated the
families’ sincerely held religious beliefs.
The First
Circuit held that parents’ rights were not violated when their children were
required to attend an assembly called “Hot, Safer, and Sexy” where lewd
demonstrations of condoms and more were portrayed. The claim of parental rights to advance notice of such
instruction was also rejected.
The only case
of significance to have gone the other way recently is the East Stroudsburg
case I mentioned at the beginning of this talk. A jury verdict was entered against the doctor who performed the
gynecological examinations. The bad
news is that the verdict was for a mere $7,500 per girl.
Parents must
understand that they are forfeiting most of their expectations of control over
their children once they enter the door of the public school.
Conclusion
Although we
have seen a number of good decisions recently, the reality is that society is
moving further and further away from a traditional understanding of parental
rights.
Consider, for
example, a recent “study” published by the American Psychological
Association. The APA attacked families
in a couple of significant ways this year.
This spring, the APA created a stir by their publication of a report which
claims that research showed some positive effects of the sexual abuse of children
by adults. This time, the APA published
a broadside against fathers entitled: “Deconstructing the Essential Father” by
Drs. Louise Silverstein and Carl Auerbach, both of Yeshiva University.
This APA
article claims that a review of the research—no new research was actually done
for this article—demonstrates that fathers are not essential for a child’s
wellbeing. Nor is marriage. Basically, any single or multiple adult groupings
can take care of children with equal success.
What research, you ask?
Consider the
pioneering work of Smuts and Gubernick (1992) with marmosets. It seems that marmosets always have twin
offspring, and thus the female marmoset has to nurse both, and so the male is
needed to take care of one young. “Male
marmosets behave like full-time mothers,” conclude Silverstain and Auerbach.
Our two authors
also cite the work of “feminist researchers” who study non-human primates to
buttress their theories. But, they
openly acknowledge that even the scientific community which—inexplicably to
me—values evidence about marmosets to explain human behavior, has not
agreed. “Unfortunately, this feminist
scholarship has not been integrated into most social science literature,” they
admit.
Their
conclusion: “Taken as a whole, the
empirical research does not support the idea that fathers make a unique and
essential contribution to child development.”
Silverstein and
Auerbach to make one valuable statement in the midst of their “findings.” “We acknowledge that our reading of the
scientific literature supports our political agenda. Our goal is to generate public policy initiatives that support
men in their fathering role, without discriminating against women and same-sex
couples.” They correctly acknowledge
that this propensity for bias is the norm in social science research.
Let’s translate
their fancy language into ordinary talk:
“Social scientists are little more than political hacks who manipulate
data to suit their political agenda.”
Our
organization published very positive findings about home schooling based on the
test results of 20,000 children. This
study has received a fair amount of criticism from the social science community
because it believes that the sample was unrepresentative—principally because
the testing service was operated by a Christian college. I have yet to hear whether they think that
Christian home schoolers are smarter or dumber than secular home schoolers.
Social
scientists believe that a study of 20,000 Christian home school students is not
a valid indicator of home school success in general. But, social scientists believe that marmosets are a valid
indicator of the role of human fathers.
This is even though there is not showing that the marmosets selected for
the study were representative of all marmosets.
Social science
should lay no claim to a role in public policy debates in light of such utter
nonsense.
But the sad
reality is that the attitude of social scientists foreshadows the future
attitude of society. We need to take
steps in every possible sphere of government—to ensure that the traditional
rights of parents are solidly enshrined as permanent features in our
constitutional law.
The founding
fathers wrote the Third Amendment which prohibits the quartering of soldiers in
private homes based on their experience with British soldiers. If they had experienced social invasions or
lewd instruction regarding condoms being given to their children over their
objection, there would have been a provision in the Bill of Rights protecting
parental rights against such tyranny.
I believe it is
up to this generation of parents to act for the generations to come to ensure
that we protect the family in the black and white of our Constitution lest the
global village overtake our homes.
Endnotes
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